Elizabeth Morgan | CARICOM at 50: The reality of successes and failures
Yesterday, July 4, was CARICOM Day. As customary, not many people in Jamaica might have noticed, though, this year, there was a statement from the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade, Kamina Johnson Smith, as chair of the CARICOM Council for Foreign and Community Relations (COFCOR). It may also not have been widely noted that CARICOM officially launched the commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Chaguaramas establishing the Caribbean Community and Common Market (CARICOM) on July 4, 1973 in Chaguaramas, Trinidad and Tobago.
Signing the Treaty of Chaguaramas then were the four independent Commonwealth Caribbean countries, Jamaica (Michael Manley), Trinidad and Tobago (Eric Williams), Guyana (Forbes Burnham), and Barbados (Errol Barrow). A Gleaner headline on the day read ‘Caribbean Common Mart (sic), Community to be set up today’. The still British territories were expected to join by May 1, 1974. Interestingly, also represented were the Dominican Republic, Haiti and Suriname, which had expressed interest in joining. Of those present at this 1973 meeting, only the Dominican Republic has not joined CARICOM, but that’s another story. The Community was to foster functional cooperation and deepen economic integration.
The leaders of CARICOM’s 15 member states are currently meeting in Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago, at the 45th Regular Session of the CARICOM Conference of Heads of Government. The venue, we are told, to recall the original signing, but it is being chaired by Prime Minister Roosevelt Skerrit of Dominica, who assumes the CARICOM chair for the next six months. Special guests are the Commonwealth Chair-in-Office, the President of Rwanda, Paul Kagame, United Nations Secretary General António Guterres, and Sultan Ahmed Al Jabe, president-designate of the UN Climate Change Conference (COP 28).
The ceremonies to mark CARICOM’s 50th anniversary and launch a year of commemorations across the member states were held yesterday. I am assuming that Jamaica will announce a programme of activities for the rest of the year. Jamaica did have a 50th anniversary tree-planting ceremony during the COFCOR Meeting in May and the 50th logo competition was won by Jamaican Andre Bartley. The theme is ‘50 years strong: a solid foundation to build on’.
I have said before that the 50th anniversary should be another opportunity for introspection at both the regional and national levels. I note that The University of the West Indies (UWI), which was established in 1948 as a vehicle of regional integration, had a symposium in April on CARICOM at 50 – Shaping the future of Caribbean Integration. It seems not many people knew about it. I do hope that throughout the year, the opportunity will be taken to have more such events open to the public. Ineffectiveness in building public awareness of CARICOM has been a weakness.
SUCCESSES
There is no doubt that CARICOM has had successes. Its longevity among regional integration movements is a success. Its successes in its mandate are mainly in functional cooperation under the pillars of human and social development (education, health, disaster preparedness, sports, etc), and in some aspects of security, such as the Implementation Agency for Crime and Security.
In foreign policy coordination, it must be recalled that the revised treaty states that the region coordinates its foreign policy to the extent practicable. In spite of disagreements, successes have been recorded here too.
FAILURES
Having in 1973 established the common market following on from the Caribbean Free Trade Association in 1966, to further promote production and trade among CARICOM members, in 2001, the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas was adopted to establish the CARICOM Single Market and Economy. Economic integration has been CARICOM’s Achilles heel. The collective economic dream remains unrealised.
CARICOM countries, except Haiti, a special case, are classified by the World Bank as upper middle-income and high-income countries, from Suriname with a per capita gross domestic product (GDP) in 2022 of US$6,000 to The Bahamas with the highest, a per capita GDP of US$31,458. A continuing problem for most CARICOM countries is high levels of debt making the region one of the most indebted. Barbados has the highest debt to GDP ratio of about 140 per cent. Guyana now has the highest growth rate (58 per cent in 2022) with its recent oil discoveries and a quite low debt rate of about 44 per cent. For the rest of CARICOM, real growth has stagnated through the years and several countries are now heavily dependent on tourism, a fickle industry. The region’s vulnerability to natural disasters and climate change impacts are recognised. However, CARICOM’s failures in implementing its own decisions, policies and programmes, lack of trust, and failure to cooperate effectively also contribute to the region’s economic difficulties.
Jamaica, with its population of about three million, has its own set of challenges. In 1973, Jamaica had a per capita GDP of US$980, which adjusted for inflation would be US$6,713. Its 2022 per capita GDP is US$6,047. Jamaica has not been achieving real growth for close to 50 years. The economy has been struggling and continues to do so in spite of its early promise.
At this 45th CARICOM Heads of Government Conference, launching the 50th anniversary, as they meet privately in caucus, I hope that they will face reality, acknowledging that on the economic front achievements have been marginal. While there were/are external contributing factors, regional leaders, past and present, must bear their share of responsibility for failures in this area. Commitments need to be honoured, if CARICOM, as an economic entity, is to mark another milestone anniversary (60 years?). Let’s hope the COVID-19 cooperation awakening is sustained.
CARICOM leaders, at all levels, need to seriously consider the development strategy, the approach to production and trade, and the general commitment to regional economic integration. To fully realise the collective potential, action is needed, not just talk.
A question to consider – Is the foundation really as strong as imagined?
Elizabeth Morgan is a specialist in international trade policy and international politics. Send feedback to columns@gleanerjm.com

