Basil Jarrett | Who will answer Haiti’s call for help?

A FEW Mondays ago, 37 Haitians alighted from a small canoe off the coast of Portland seeking, ostensibly, a better life. The irony here should not escape anyone. For a country like ours, where nearly a third or more of our citizens live overseas, the thought that anyone would risk drowning at sea just to get here is sobering. To be sure, the three girls, five boys, five women and 24 men who came off that boat did not come here for the Portland jerked chicken. If they did, I would have told them that the chicken has fallen off in recent years, the pork is a bit overpriced, and the treacherous drive through Junction just isn’t worth the effort. Better you wait ‘til the highway is complete.

In all seriousness though, the current situation in Haiti is just the latest chapter in the long, sad, complex history of this very important country that just can’t seem to catch a break. Political instability, economic recession and social discontent have endured for so long, that Haiti’s rank of 156th out of 167 countries on the 2023 Legatum Prosperity Index is almost flattering. The country has the highest hunger rate in the Western world, intergenerational poverty extends as far back as the 1700s, and many Haitians still haven’t recovered from the 2010 earthquake. To put things in perspective, COVID-19 hasn’t been the country’s biggest health crisis in recent times.

This latest disaster, stemming from a protracted fuel crisis in 2019, has sparked protests, violence, food shortages and a presidential assassination. With no elected government in place, famine, cholera, gang violence, fuel shortages and economic collapse have all intersected to create the perfect catastrophe. Rape, kidnappings, gangland-style executions and devastating violence are just some of the reasons that those 37 boat people braved the Caribbean Sea to get here, and if I’m honest, I don’t think they will be the last.

So where does the international community stand on Haiti?

In response to the escalating crisis, the United Nations Security Council has taken action...somewhat. Following its July 14 session, the council unanimously passed a resolution tasking UN Secretary General António Guterres with devising various strategies to counter the armed gangs’ threat and return normality to Haiti – whatever ‘normal’ means. The options include the possibility of deploying a UN peacekeeping force to Haiti or assembling a multinational force with UN support, but not under the UN umbrella. Guterres has until next Monday to present a preferred option, including the possibility of bolstering training for the Haitian National Police and facilitating efforts to curtail illegal arms trafficking into the island.

A MULTINATIONAL RESPONSE

So far, Jamaica, The Bahamas and Kenya have shown an interest in supporting a multinational force in whatever form, with the latter offering to lead the mission.

But many Haitians aren’t buying it, as previous international interventions have not exactly inspired confidence among Haitians. Decades of failures, including abuses by UN Peacekeeping forces and the introduction of cholera into the country following the 2010 earthquake, mean there’s little appetite for another Haitian stability operation. Not even the usually affable Canadians could be persuaded to take the baton.

Haitians may well be justified in their apprehension, but at the same time, the uncontrolled violence and bloodshed don’t leave them with many options. Past international interventions may have hurt the country, but gang rape, kidnappings and the wanton violence and murder are immediate problems that must be addressed quickly.

THE DECISION

It’s difficult to predict where Guterres will land next week, but he has been vocal in the past about the urgent need for a robust international force in Haiti. By rough estimates, over 2,000 anti-gang police officers are required to address the rapidly deteriorating situation.

On one hand, a UN Peacekeeping force may very well accelerate the restoration of stability to the country and set up a stable environment for rebuilding its institutions, infrastructure and government. It could also bring badly needed humanitarian aid, security, rule of law, and a de-escalation of the violence. But on the flip side, another military intervention in Haiti may be viewed as just another example of encroachment on its national autonomy, reinforcing the self-defeating belief that this country will forever be dependent on foreign intervention into its affairs. Furthermore, past interventions have either failed to alleviate the problems faced, or worse, exacerbated them. There’s also the question of risk to deployed troops. Security personnel, whether under a Jamaican, Kenyan or UN flag, face inherent security risks when deployed into an unpredictable and hostile environment. Peacekeepers are at risk of becoming targets of the violence themselves, and could end up being drawn unnecessarily into local gang conflicts. There is also the multibillion-dollar question of cost, as UN military interventions often turn out to be long-term commitments of both resources and funds.

NOT TOO POOR TO HELP

In other words, there is no simple answer to Haiti’s complex and multifaceted situation. The country’s problems are rooted in years of political, economic, social, and environmental decay, not just its current security challenges.

As for Jamaica’s role in all of this, I have listened to much of the public debate around our decision to send 200 troops to Haiti, if required. Much of the pushback seems to be from the ‘we can barely help ourselves, much less help other people’ camp. In response to this, I draw inspiration from my grade-four teacher at St Jude’s Primary, who would send a group of us each day to take leftovers from the canteen to a homeless woman across the street. “Nobody is so poor that he has nothing to give,” she reminded us, “and nobody is so rich he has nothing to receive.”

As the first free black republic in the Western Hemisphere, Haiti taught us that as black people, we had a right to freedom, dignity and a decent life. How fitting that 219 years later, we have the opportunity to return the favour.

Major Basil Jarrett is a communications strategist and CEO of Artemis Consulting, a communications consulting firm specialising in crisis communications and reputation management. Follow him on Twitter, Instagram and Threads@IamBasilJarrett