Byron Blake and Ohene Blake | CARICOM, sovereignty, and territorial integrity

On February 23, Guyana celebrated 55 years as a Republic. On May 26, it will celebrate 59 years as an independent state. For the entire period of its Independence, even when it was classified by the United Nations as developing economy, Guyana had set aside human and financial resources to defend its territorial integrity. Why?

In 1962, when Britain conceded Independence to Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago and began to consider the same for British Guiana, now Guyana, Venezuela revived a claim for the Essequibo region of the country. The claim was based on a 200-year-plus dispute, which was settled in an 1899 Arbitration Award that awarded the land to Britain. The United States, under its Monroe Doctrine, represented Venezuela in the negotiations with Britain, and Venezuela accepted the outcome.

Venezuela revived the claim with Britain, which flatly denied it. The unsettled issue was passed to the newly independent Guyana. All efforts to resolve the dispute have failed to resolve the issue mainly because of recalcitrance by Venezuela. These include:

1. A 1966 Geneva Agreement, initiated by the prime minister of the newly independent Trinidad and Tobago, that provided a Mixed Commission to settle the issue in four years.

2. A 1970 Protocol of Port of Spain.

3. Initiatives by several United Nations secretaries general using highly respected ‘good officers’ accepted by both parties.

4. A ruling by the International Court of Justice (ICJ).

The claim by Venezuela had other consequences. In June 1962, the Dutch government laid claim to the New River Triangle between Suriname and Guyana. This claim is still unsettled.

The areas of Guyana claimed by Venezuela and Suriname were originally hostile jungle. They are now known to have major oil deposits. This suggests that settlement could be more intractable.

One effect of the claims of Venezuela and Suriname is that Guyana’s only settled border is with Brazil in the South and perhaps with the Atlantic Ocean in the north.

GUATEMALA’S CLAIM TO BELIZE

In addition to the Venezuelan and Surinamese claims to Guyana’s territory, Guatemala had a longstanding dispute with Britain over British Honduras, now Belize. That issue was believed to have been settled in the Wyke-Aycinena Treaty of 1839. In this Treaty, Guatemala conceded British Sovereignty over the territory, which is now Belize. Guatemala subsequently reopened the issue. There were several challenges, particularly after 1975. Guatemala objected to independence for Belize. The United States supported Guatemala. The US finally relented and in 1980, supported a UN resolution which paved the way for movement to Independence on September 21, 1981 without settlement with Guatemala. Several efforts were made, particularly in the OAS to resolve the issue without success. The matter has finally been moved to the ICJ.

CARICOM AND TERRITORIAL DISPUTES

The communiqué of every CARICOM Heads of Government Conference carried an Item on Boundary Issues, which would have Resolutions, namely Guyana/Venezuela, Guyana/Suriname, and Belize/Guatemala. Each Resolution would include a reaffirmation of CARICOM’s support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Belize or Guyana as the case might be. It made no difference whether the President of Venezuela was a special guest at the meeting, had taken a vital initiative to assist CARICOM like the San José or Petrocaribe agreement, or whether they were involved in negotiating a preferential agreement like the CARICOM/ Venezuela Trade Agreement. Venezuela knew CARICOM’s position. It is immutable.

Individual CARICOM leaders would, where needed, use their good relations say with the President of Venezuela to diffuse a situation which could threaten the relationship. One notable example was when Hugo Chávez decided to upgrade the San Jose accord to Petrocaribe. The president did not include Guyana among the potential beneficiaries. Potential beneficiaries like Jamaica wanted to benefit from the scheme. They knew that signing would rupture CARICOM’s cohesion.

Prime Minister of Jamaica, decided to have a bilateral discussion with Chávez. He not only convinced President Chávez to give Guyana the option to participate in the Petrocaribe arrangement but opened the door for Guyana and Venezuela to reopen embassies in each other’s capital. The highly publicised case of Prime Minister Ralph Gonsalves taking advantage of his relationship to invite Nicolás Maduro to St Vincent and the Grenadines in 2023 thereby creating the opportunity not only to diffuse the immediate tension but to put in place a process which is still working itself out.

SOLIDARITY BY CARICOM VITAL

First, it is an area where CARICOM has maintained solidarity and seen tangible success for over 50 years. Second, a third of the countries have come to expect and to respect that solidarity even though they might wish it broken. Third, a break would significantly weaken the negotiation position and possibly the resolve of the countries whose territories are currently under threat.

Fourth, it could embolden situations where boundaries are not settled, and there are many cases in the hemisphere. For example, and we write subject to correction, Brazil is the only country on the South American continent that has all its boundaries settled. In the Caribbean, Jamaica has unsettled boundaries with, among others, Colombia and Honduras. And Venezuela maintains a claim against Dominica over Avis island.

Finally, if a CARICOM country should break ranks, and for instance, support Venezuela against Guyana, it could find that to be an action in a losing cause or one where the status quo remains. It is highly unlikely that Brazil would countenance a boundary change that would affect its boundaries. That CARICOM country would have exposed itself, weakened, and the movement for nothing.

Ambassador Byron Blake is former deputy permanent representative of Jamaica to the United Nations and former assistant secretary general of CARICOM. Ohene Blake is former deputy CEO of Trade Board Limited. Send feedback to columns@gleanerjm.com