The state of South Africa

Johannesburg. Known locally as Jo'burg, or Jozi to those trying to make it more hip. It's a big city: seven million people, representing a vast cross section of humanity, spread out over its sprawling expanse.

The city's complexity - which, in itself, does not capture the full breadth of South African society - speaks to both the richness and challenges of this country, now seen as one of the 21st century's emerging economic powers. Built in an arid environment, the city is packed with greenery, all planted by its human occupants. So along leafy lanes, you can stroll into one of the parks or botanical gardens that - along with the sidewalk cafés and terraced restaurants - give parts of the city a European, prosperous feel.

And other parts, not. In places like Hillbrow, you could just as well be in Lagos. The downtown community is packed with squatters in dilapidated buildings, where sidewalks teem with the excitement and colour of any West African market. And if the poverty there reminds you that you are very much in the Third World, you have not seen the worst of it. Go into some rural areas, and you will encounter some of the planet's most indigent folk.

Trying to manage such stark divisions has proven to be the biggest challenge facing the African National Congress (ANC), which has governed the country since the end of apartheid in 1994. Their predecessors had a simple, brutal approach: separate the rich from the poor, the black from the white, and lock in the wealth.

Plight of unemployed

The ANC has tried to distribute the gains of freedom more widely, but its record has been mixed. A black elite has emerged, of business people and professionals, who have been able to enjoy all the fruits of the boom years, and then some. To be a young black man or woman with a degree in, say, finance, is not a bad spot to be in today: employers queue up to recruit you, and you can jump from workplace to workplace as you climb the corporate ladder.

Sadly, most black South Africans do not have degrees in finance. A serious chasm has widened between unionised workers with jobs, and the 40 per cent of the population without. Not surprisingly, therefore, when President Jacob Zuma took the podium in Parliament to deliver his State of the Nation address last week, he put the spotlight on job creation.

Within the ruling party, a rift has emerged between those who want to let the economy follow its current path, and gradually create jobs; and those impatient to bring the fruits of freedom home to the marginalised masses. The latter group wants the State to take more aggressive action, and even to nationalise parts of the economy.

Not finding common ground

Mr Zuma is trying to steer a middle course between these two groups - not as right-wing, perhaps, as his predecessor in the post, Thabo Mbeki; but not as radical as the youth wing or his allies in the Communist Party. He hasn't always pulled off the task with aplomb. But at the moment, as typified by the relative confidence with which he delivered the speech, he seems to control the agenda.

The bigger question is whether his approach will work. One could make the case that 1994 exchanged one form of segregation for another. Oh, sure, in theory at least, any South African can go anywhere he or she wants to, unencumbered by pass laws and residential enclaves.

However, in practice, the alliance driving the ANC has arguably been a black elite, comprising trade unionists, business people and civil servants. They have done well, and sometimes very well, this last couple of decades. And white businesses have found a way to work with them.

But, for the people in places like the Jo'Burg townships or the Cape Flats, it can appear that while the club is less exclusive, it is hardly majoritarian. To really bring the gains of freedom to all, Mr Zuma would need to take on some of the privileged elements in his own ranks.

It is far from clear that he has the power to do this.

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