CARICOM confidence must not fail now

Below is an edited version of a public lecture by Ambassador Albert R. Ramdin, assistant secretary general of the OAS, at the UWI, Mona, on March 19.

A few weeks ago, I read two separate headlines in the Caribbean press about CARICOM, which may have confused many. The headlines, which came within days of each other, were self-explanatory. One read 'CARICOM is in danger'. The other stated boldly, 'CARICOM is safe'.

Both articles quoted men of great prominence and unquestionable experience in leadership in the region. Interestingly, their points began on the same premises. Their arguments paralleled on many fronts. It was their conclusions, however, that resulted in the sharp contrast in the headlines.

The state of the Caribbean Community has generated significant debate in the region in recent times. As CARICOM prepares to mark its 40th anniversary this year, it is my hope that we not only look back on the path we have travelled, but move past the debate on CARICOM's life or death and into the arena of promoting CARICOM's values and achievements.

The time has come to adjust our position in the changing architecture of dialogue in the Western Hemisphere.

Long before the Caribbean harnessed its collective strength, countries in this region showed that they were capable of making a mark on history. In 1948, Haiti was the first black independent nation in the world to sign the Charter of the Organisation of American States (OAS), becoming one of the 21 founders. It opened the door for the rest of the Caribbean to eventually do the same. Individually, Caribbean countries have proven that they can achieve much. Working together, I believe CARICOM can achieve even more.

At different points in history, the Caribbean was forced to adopt what my friend Richard Bernal described as "strategic global repositioning". History has proven that the Caribbean has the capacity to assess, adapt and rethink its strategy when circumstances demand. Forty years into CARICOM, are we prepared to undertake this exercise once again?

VOTING POWER

The Caribbean Community was born in the knowledge that standing together, the region could represent a force and voice that would not be easy to ignore. When CARICOM stands united, it becomes the single largest voting bloc in this hemisphere. Its value is tangible and it is not lost on many. Indeed, in some quarters, there is even the view that CARICOM's voting power should be reviewed given its small scale; a feeling that perhaps the time has come to rethink the premise of one-country-one-vote, to a ratio far less. In my humble view, this would not only be regrettable, but also a dangerous path to even consider.

As assistant secretary general of the OAS, I have borne witness to the many times CARICOM has made significant contributions in the principal hemispheric organisation for political dialogue and collective action in consensus. Indeed, it was the voice of CARICOM which was raised in Costa Rica in 2001, which stopped the adoption of a mediocre Democratic Charter at the OAS. It was the Caribbean which demanded and ensured a more comprehensive charter which now benefits ALL countries of the Americas.

CARICOM's value is significant, as has been proven in the many ways the subregion has engaged and contributed to resolutions on sensitive issues, like Jamaica's participation in missions to discuss the Honduran situation following the ousting of a democratically elected president; or the leadership CARICOM provided in the debate on Haiti and the CARICOM-OAS Joint Election Observation Mission.

CARICOM's value is supported by the fact that the region has retained its place as the voice of reason and mediation when the differences between the North and South become apparent. History has bestowed on CARICOM the moral obligation to speak clearly and authoritatively on issues of democracy, rule of law, human rights and governance.

I believe that CARICOM will have to analyse the impact of dual membership which confronts some states. For example, the geographic location of Belize makes it a full-fledged member of both CARICOM and the Central American Integration System. Suriname and Guyana are members of both CARICOM and the Union of South American Nations. And there are other examples of overlapping memberships in other regional and global entities. How does this impact the strategic positioning of CARICOM as a bloc?

The Caribbean order of priorities is not shared by all, and in the face of competition for limited resources within some of our multilateral institutions, there are bold arguments to remove the focus on development initiatives which directly benefit CARICOM countries. CARICOM, therefore, is at a crucial juncture and our leaders must determine how the bloc will strategically position itself in the future.

More than ever before in history, CARICOM requires a strategic foreign policy which factors in the current economic and political dynamics of the hemisphere. These policies and positions must be streamlined if we are to make the most of the opportunities before us, and confront the challenges which also lie ahead.

RENEW COMMITMENT

I encourage CARICOM's policymakers to renew the political commitment to regional integration. CARICOM will have to not only recognise its own strength, but make it a central tactical tool in the execution of foreign-policy objectives.

Furthermore, CARICOM will have to develop a strategic vision on its role in the Western Hemisphere and determine its expectations of this engagement. In other words, what is CARICOM's own agenda for the hemisphere? The reality is that, given global developments and a further deterioration of special cooperation agreements, CARICOM's political presence in the Americas will become more prominent.

I am convinced that the more involved the Caribbean becomes in the hemisphere and issues outside our own village, the more relevant we become. We must broaden CARICOM's vision in this new environment. CARICOM's increased engagement within the Americas must also focus on forging stronger relations with key partners in South America and the Central American region as a whole.

CARICOM will have to be bold enough to speak out with force and conviction on issues that will shape its future. The Caribbean tradition and experience in democracy, evidenced by the range of state institutions supporting the democratic framework, is a model that is held in high regard elsewhere in this hemisphere. The fundamentals of our system, which we often take for granted, are still goals for some of our brothers. CARICOM is in a position to hold up its successes as useful examples to the rest of the Americas.

I disagree with those who believe that CARICOM must be indefinitely confined to timidly watch the world go by from the sidelines. Such a philosophy betrays a fundamental crisis of confidence in our region and insults the achievements of those who have stood against the odds to engage the world on Caribbean terms.

If we, as Caribbean people, lose confidence in who we are and what we can achieve, we are bowing to the tactics of intimidation which our forefathers opposed.

There is a new world emerging around CARICOM, and CARICOM must be ready to engage, influence and benefit from that new environment.

Allow me to reiterate the words of Simon Bolivar in the Carta de Jamaica: "When success is not assured, when the state is weak, and when results are distantly seen, all men hesitate."

At this critical juncture and on the eve of the 40th anniversary of the Caribbean Community, let us, as proud Caribbean people, not hesitate.

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