WikiLeaks exposes unflattering Jamaican governance
Wilberne Persaud, Financial Gleaner Columnist
By now, most Jamaicans wanting to know would have informed themselves on Jamaica's cameo appearances in the WikiLeaks chronicles. Unfortunately, the revelations are anything but flattering.
They indicate an awkwardly functioning Jamaican administration.
The 'End Conclusion and Analysis' of one of the leaked United State embassy cables viewed an encounter with our PM's spouse as incoherent.
She seemed unable to 'stay on message' - if ever there were one - while discussing 'Dudus', the International Monetary Fund and the US government's non-designation of an ambassador to Jamaica.
Nevertheless, it was "consistent with past practice - as the PM and the JLP GOJ have missed a number of opportunities in recent months to signal their willingness to make difficult decisions or to address the myriad economic and social crises the nation faces."
Merely diplomatic gossip you wonder? Not really. Such snippets feed into 'profiling', not the Jamaican lingo of putting on a good show. Rather like the Federal Bureau of Investigation creates a profile. What motivations provide foundation for behaviour? What is to be expected? How best to respond? These are some of the issues.
Dispatches from representatives of foreign government officials stationed abroad are not new. So for instance, in our late colonial era, the Governor, during a period of unrest and political agitation of the late 1930s and early 1940s that in part led to the nationalist movement, advised against detention of one of the 'subversives' in the fledgling PNP.
He described, 'profiled' the particular individual as someone with whom the colonial office could work. Detention would serve merely to further radicalise him. Dispatches from the period as well, on occasion painted unflattering pictures of National Heroes Alexander Bustamante and Norman Manley.
Chit-chat
The station representative has at all times to give a reading, a considered judgement, particularly of the political and economic winds. Chit-chat at the gentlemen's club over an after-dinner whisky or port, or at the cricket match, is unavailable - the secret cable or diplomatic bag must suffice.
The big difference between then and now is twofold. First, one had to travel to the United Kingdom's Public Record Office in London, after 30 years had elapsed, to view these documents - and 30-year-old hard copies they were -
If this is the volume of secrets, how many operatives does it require to oversee the classification process? As their numbers increase, so does the risk of leaks.
Knee-jerk reaction
Yet the unthinking or knee-jerk reaction of some top US governmental figures and commentators is surely unwarranted. US Defense Secretary Robert Gates, commenting on the matter, captured the reality: "Is this embarrassing? Yes. Is it awkward? Yes. Consequences for US foreign policy? I think fairly modest."
Gates' view should carry much weight and persuasive value. He was, after all, CIA chief and as well, Deputy National Security Adviser in the George H. W. Bush administration.
So the US must mend fences and soothe ruffled feathers of their allies, but foreign policy initiatives, prosecution of anti-terrorism and other international activities suffered no mortal wounds.
What of Jamaica? Embarrassing? Yes! Fatal? Decidedly not! Public opinion seems generally to accept that we have not handled some of the more important aspects of statecraft and policy matters over the past year in a mature manner, and that is reflective of sound judgement.
The Dudus affair, stop-and-go taxation schemes announced without the requisite impact analysis and consultation, relations with teachers, the police, nurses, all these left much to be desired.
The practice of governance, however, is never an easy task even in the best of times. Almost two decades in opposition appears not to have provided sufficient net practice. We might only hope that 2011 should, therefore, provide improvements based on hands-on experience - learning by doing. We certainly look forward to discourse on strategic intent.
Where shall we go with our final court of appeal? How shall we foster innovation in agriculture and tourism? What do we do about domestic transportation, corruption, urban renewal, pollution and attitudes to the environment, and 21st century education for all?
These are merely a selection of critical issues. Must we eavesdrop on a US embassy official to grasp our need for coming to terms with "difficult decisions" and "address the myriad economic and social crises the nation faces"?
Wilberne Persaud, Financial Gleaner Columnist

